Journal articles: 'In-App publicité' – Grafiati (2024)

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China's telecommunications fraud crime continues to occur at a high rate, coupled with the changing means of fraud, and an increasing number of people are being defrauded. In the face of such oppression, the Ministry of Public Security launched the national anti fraud center App in June 2021, which aims to help users maintain the security of telecommunications networks, establish channels for users to report cases related to telecommunications networks, and enhance the purpose of prevention and publicity. However, with the strong support of the state for anti fraud Apps and the requirement of all people to download them, a series of problems came one after another. Different voices were transmitted on major platforms, which also proved that there were some defects in Apps. The project studies the problems existing in the anti fraud App since its launch, such as the imprecise mode setting, the lack of in-depth publicity and education, and the low download rate, and puts forward corresponding solutions to these problems, so as to help the App serve people better.

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The existence of the online dating application Tinder has changed people's behavior patterns in terms of finding a mate. Tinder does make it easier to find a mate, but some people give a negative assessment. Many Tinder users abuse the app, causing negative publicity. For example, news about the mutilation incident in the Kalibata City apartment, fraud and theft of motorbikes in the city of Banyumas, and sexual predators using the Tinder application. This negative publicity can cause a change in the attitude of teenagers using Tinder. This study aims to describe the acceptance of teenagers in Surabaya to negative news about the Tinder application. This study uses a qualitative method with a virtual ethnographic approach. Data collection techniques through participant observation, and interviews with six informants. Reception analysis using the encoding-decoding model from Stuart Hall. The results showed that negative news about the Tinder application resulted in the emergence of anxiety and worry for its users. This educates Tinder users to be more careful and selective in choosing a mate (negotiated positional). This study concludes that negative publicity raises awareness among Tinder users that crime can take place through online dating apps. The Tinder app needs to be 18 years old to download and install. Teenage users need to be more aware of the potential for cyber abuse through Tinder.

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This article reviews the development of three Web-based education resources and the potential for each of these resources to meet the needs of users for a 'killer app'. Three case studies (the Annotated List of Education Journals, the IDEAS Portal Web Site and the Eisenhower National Clearinghouse Web Site)review the purpose, audience, content, funding, publicity and structure of the sites. Differences in staffing, funding and the centrality of these sites to the mission of their sponsoring institutions impacted the growth of these sites. Technological changes and the diffuse nature of the Internet also impacted the development of these resources.

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With the development of science and technology, network information technology has influenced and gradually realized economic sharing. To some extent, it promotes the arrival of knowledge payment, making payment platforms such as Himalaya App and Zhihu occur in the public view. The occurrence of knowledge payment improves the utilization rate of knowledge and reduces the problems of improper use and waste of knowledge. However, with the rapid development of knowledge payment, it also faces many problems, such as the imperfect legal system, imperfect technical means, and people's weak consciousness of knowledge payment. Based on this, this paper summarizes the existing problems of knowledge payment. In addition, we put forward real-time strategies, including perfecting the laws and regulations, improving scientific and technological means, and strengthening the publicity of knowledge payment.

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This study was conducted to explore editorial processes of wire services in Pakistan, specifically looking at repackaging of content to reproduce news – a phenomenon known as Churnalism. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect data from wire services operating in Islamabad, Pakistan. Editors of wire services, recognised by the government’s Press and Information Department (PID), including the state-owned Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), were interviewed. It was found that wire services are heavily reliant on press releases, publicity reports, and monitoring of mainstream and social media for their reporting. Editors of wire services were of the view that their work is plagiarised, and this practice is more prevalent in regional newspapers. A strong dependence on government grants, allocated for news agencies, was also noted. No physical or online presence of several news agencies, recognised by the PID, could be found.

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With the development of Internet technology and the popularity of 5G technology in mobile terminals, we media has entered the era of “short video + live broadcast” from the era of graphics and text on mobile terminals. The number of users of “live video + short video” app platform has reached 888 million, accounting for 94.5% of the total Internet users in China. In 2020, the sales revenue of all kinds of flat broadcast e-commerce will reach trillion, and cultural and tourism enterprises pay more and more attention to live broadcast We should pay dividends for the development of tourism enterprises, and carry out publicity and marketing of tourism routes and products. Tiktok and Kwai platform are taken as examples to analyze the problems the problems existing in the promotion of “live + short video” by cultural tourism enterprises. At the same time, it puts forward its own views on how to carry out the marketing innovation of “live + short video” in the cultural tourism industry of tourism cities.

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As an International Non-Governmental Organization (INGO), for years, Greenpeace has waged campaigns against rainforest deforestation in Indonesia by multinational corporations, such as Asia Pulp & Paper and Wilmar International, the top players in their respective industries. This study reviews the similarities and differences in campaign strategies used by Greenpeace against APP and Wilmar while showing the process of global media communication. The research was conducted as a comparative study using qualitative methods based on the Sandman Environmental Communication Model. Data collected from documents and audio-visual materials passed through a triangulation process to cross-check its interpretation. Eventually, this research finds that Greenpeace relied on the image of well-loved characters like Barbie to create intrigue in its “Barbie, It’s Over” campaign against Mattel and, in turn, APP. While with Wilmar, Greenpeace took a more sympathetic approach using a baby orangutan character in the “Rang-tan” video. Both align with the Sandman Model: relying on publicity stunts to stimulate independent information-seeking from the communicant, which in turn will change their behaviour. Greenpeace's campaign strategy described in this study can be an example for other civil society organizations to achieve sustainable positive behaviour change. Keywords: Asia Pulp & Paper; global media communication; Greenpeace; international environmental campaign; Wilmar International Selama bertahun-tahun, Greenpeace sebagai Organisasi Non-Pemerintah Internasional (INGO) melakukan kampanye melawan deforestasi hutan hujan di Indonesia oleh perusahaan multinasional seperti Asia Pulp & Paper (APP) dan Wilmar International yang merupakan pemain utama di industri masing-masing. Penelitian ini mengkaji persamaan dan perbedaan strategi kampanye yang digunakan Greenpeace terhadap APP dan Wilmar serta menjelaskan proses komunikasi media global yang terjadi. Penelitian ini dilakukan sebagai studi komparatif menggunakan metode kualitatif berdasarkan Model Komunikasi Lingkungan Sandman. Data dikumpulkan melalui studi dokumen dan bahan audio visual yang melewati proses triangulasi untuk memeriksa silang interpretasi data. Temuan utama penelitian ini lantas adalah bahwa Greenpeace mengandalkan citra karakter yang dicintai publik seperti Barbie untuk menciptakan intrik dalam kampanye “Barbie, It's Over” melawan APP. sem*ntara dalam kampanye melawan Wilmar, Greenpeace mengambil pendekatan yang lebih simpatik dengan menggunakan karakter bayi orangutan dalam video “Rang-tan”. Keduanya sejalan dengan Model Sandman: mengandalkan aksi publisitas untuk merangsang pencarian informasi independen dari komunikan, yang pada gilirannya akan mengubah perilaku mereka. Strategi kampanye Greenpeace yang dijelaskan dalam studi ini pun dapat menjadi contoh bagi organisasi masyarakat sipil lainnya untuk mencapai perubahan perilaku positif yang berkelanjutan. Kata-kata kunci: Asia Pulp & Paper; Greenpeace; kampanye lingkungan internasional; komunikasi media global; Wilmar International

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Background Emerging research suggests that mobile apps can be used to effectively treat common mental illnesses like depression and anxiety. Despite promising efficacy results and ease of access to these interventions, adoption of mobile health (mHealth; mobile device–delivered) interventions for mental illness has been limited. More insight into patients’ perspectives on mHealth interventions is required to create effective implementation strategies and to adapt existing interventions to facilitate higher rates of adoption. Objective The aim of this study was to examine, from the patient perspective, current use and factors that may impact the use of mHealth interventions for mental illness. Methods This was a cross-sectional survey study of veterans who had attended an appointment at a single Veterans Health Administration facility in early 2016 that was associated with one of the following mental health concerns: unipolar depression, any anxiety disorder, or posttraumatic stress disorder. We used the Veteran Affairs Corporate Data Warehouse to create subsets of eligible participants demographically stratified by gender (male or female) and minority status (white or nonwhite). From each subset, 100 participants were selected at random and mailed a paper survey with items addressing the demographics, overall health, mental health, technology ownership or use, interest in mobile app interventions for mental illness, reasons for use or nonuse, and interest in specific features of mobile apps for mental illness. Results Of the 400 potential participants, 149 (37.3%, 149/400) completed and returned a survey. Most participants (79.9%, 119/149) reported that they owned a smart device and that they use apps in general (71.1%, 106/149). Most participants (73.1%, 87/149) reported interest in using an app for mental illness, but only 10.7% (16/149) had done so. Paired samples t tests indicated that ratings of interest in using an app recommended by a clinician were significantly greater than general interest ratings and even greater when the recommending clinician was a specialty mental health provider. The most frequent concerns related to using an app for mental illness were lacking proof of efficacy (71.8%, 107/149), concerns about data privacy (59.1%, 88/149), and not knowing where to find such an app (51.0%, 76/149). Participants expressed interest in a number of app features with particularly high-interest ratings for context-sensitive apps (85.2%, 127/149), and apps focused on the following areas: increasing exercise (75.8%, 113/149), improving sleep (73.2%, 109/149), changing negative thinking (70.5%, 105/149), and increasing involvement in activities (67.1%, 100/149). Conclusions Most respondents had access to devices to use mobile apps for mental illness, already used apps for other purposes, and were interested in mobile apps for mental illness. Key factors that may improve adoption include provider endorsem*nt, greater publicity of efficacious apps, and clear messaging about efficacy and privacy of information. Finally, multifaceted apps that address a range of concerns, from sleep to negative thought patterns, may be best received.

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Purpose This study focuses on accessibility to sports facilities that can be classified into structural leisure constraints. The purpose of this study is to explore exploratory analysis of the types of reservation methods and payment methods, which are the initial stages of consuming sports facilities, and to explore inconveniences that consumers feel when making reservations. Methods A quantitative research method was used to derive the results, and data were collected through a questionnaire survey method. The collected data were analyzed by technical statistics focusing on the reservation method, payment method, and inconvenience during reservation. Results As a result, it was found that the main types of reservation methods and payment methods were homepage, homepage/telephone, telephone, homepage/app, and account transfer and card payment, respectively. In the case of inconvenience, the procedure was complicated, address and location, and reservation method were identified as the main matters. Conclusions Efforts must be made to secure both the convenience and publicity of accessibility at an early stage, such as reservation methods and payment methods for sports facilities.

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Improving health awareness is essential to health and healthcare sustainability. How to arouse attention to the health of people and encourage them to attend to healthcare progress so that we can reduce the costs of promoting healthcare by achieving more with less effort remains to be explored. In this paper, we provide a simplified health management app, called iTongue, with a basis in traditional Chinese medicine. People use iTongue to take pictures of their tongues to have a general idea of their health. We realize automated tongue image diagnosis using machine learning techniques to establish the relationship between the tongue image features and the cold or hot ZHENG (traditional Chinese medicine syndrome) in traditional Chinese medicine by learning through examples and assisting people to engage in health management. The results show that health management interaction based on traditional Chinese medicine has a positive influence on improving people’s attention to their health, encouraging them to participate in health management activities and develop the habit of caring about their health over the long term. In the future, we could consider using this kind of traditional Chinese medicine idea as a means of publicity to engage people in healthcare and to assist healthcare sustainability development.

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This paper conducts in-depth research and analysis on the construction of the public information product APP application platform of urban big media in the context of artificial intelligence and discusses its development. Based on the improvement of the SICAS model, a model of enterprise and user information interaction characteristics in the new media environment is constructed, and social network analysis and semantic analysis methods are used to research enterprise and user information interaction characteristics in the new media environment. The point degree centrality index is used to analyze forwarding and being forwarded behavior in information interaction, the intermediate centrality index is used to analyze following and being followed behavior, the proximity centrality index is used to analyze commenting and being commented behavior, the feature vector centrality index is used to analyze the cohesiveness of information interaction behavior, and the semantic keyword word is used to analyze the semantic keyword word in the research process. The results of the study show that the constructed model can analyze the information interaction behaviors of enterprises and users in the new media environment. The research results show that the constructed model can systematically analyze the information interaction characteristics, and the information interaction between enterprises and users in the new media environment is more timely, more effective, and more satisfying to users. The current situation of the construction of the public information platform and the problems existing in the construction are proposed to achieve the standardization of the construction of the public information platform in the context of smart city, the construction of the platform supervision system, and the strengthening of information security publicity and talent training. To offer a suitable platform and provide efficient solutions for the development of a public information service platform in the city, enhance the professional quality of research papers and dissertations, as well as the solutions’ operability. More public services will be provided in a highly connected way across the boundaries between government, enterprises, society, and citizens and even form a public service market that accepts autonomous choices and becomes an important part of the digital economy, thus finding a good balance between economic development and social welfare.

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The purpose is to conform to the development of the times and study a new way of urban community network governance. First, the ways of governance, social governance, urban community governance, and urban community network governance are discussed. Next, the intelligent sensor function of Internet of things (IoT) technology is applied to realize the communication between IoT and urban community network governance. An urban community network governance system based on an intelligent sensor network is established. The system combines Kalman filtering to realize the dynamic monitoring of the mobile Application (APP) of the urban community residents and can update and process the collected information in real time. Finally, a survey is conducted on the satisfaction of residents of a community in Jiaozuo City, Henan Province, in 2019 on community network governance under the IoT. The efficiency and ability of urban community network governance under different network modes are compared and analyzed. The results show that the community has improved the needs of community residents through IoT network governance in multiple aspects, but the community service level of culture is not high. The community needs to strengthen the network publicity of community culture to improve the cultural level of the community. Meanwhile, in urban community governance, the comprehensive governance ability of the network governance model under network organization management is the highest, with an average of 50.93%. It shows that the established system is beneficial to the construction of urban community network governance. This exploration provides the direction for the IoT urban community network governance and constructs the urban community network governance system based on the intelligent sensor network.

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AbstractSocial media has redefined the thinking around the capacity and intensity of interaction among individuals and groups of people across national and international borders. Messages on social media are instantaneous, unhinged to interpretation and inherently dialogic. Through app designs that encourage near addiction to use in various platforms, it is becoming more probable that public debates and social protests start, are fanned and may even be resolved online in these platforms. Many state actors including politicians, religious leaders and social commentators have exploited social media to drive their agenda; personal or otherwise. The anonymity and direct accessibility granted by social media to these actors have given them a brazen green light to promote hate online and a platform for divisive and anarchist agenda. In this paper, I explore the dynamics of hate in social media; how the “Other” is created and used as the target for hate online using the case of electioneering in Kenya. I will attempt to provide a structure profile of social media communication in Kenya during the electioneering period while correlating this to the functional features that facilitated hate on social media. I will deconstruct how the “Other” is created by examining discourse arguments and the underlying subjective benefits in the creation of the “Other”. I will then show how anonymity and publicity interact to promote the process of hate online. This paper employs a phenomenological approach, first propounded by Edmund Husserl, to illustrate how misinformation creates the “Other” and to profile how hate that is spread online is a by-product of this misinformation. The research validity in this paper is premised on the currency of social media as a new dynamic in communication requiring rigorous academic inquiry.

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Background Much effort has been made to optimize the results of total hip arthroplasty and total knee arthroplasty. With the rapid growth of social media use, mobile apps, such as WeChat, have been considered for improving outcomes and patient satisfaction after total hip arthroplasty and total knee arthroplasty. Objective We aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of a WeChat-based community as an intervention for overall patient satisfaction. Methods The study was conducted among discharged in-hospital patients who received hip or knee procedures in the First Affiliated Hospital of the University of Science and Technology of China from April 2019 to January 2020. An educational online social community was constructed with the WeChat app. Participants willing to join the community were enrolled in a WeChat group and received 3 months of intervention and follow-up. Those who were not willing to use the account were included in a control group and received routine publicity via telephone, mail, and brochures. The Danish Health and Medicine Authority patient satisfaction questionnaire was used to score perioperative patient education and overall satisfaction. The contents in the group chat were analyzed using natural language processing tools. Results A total of 3428 patients were enrolled in the study, including 2292 in the WeChat group and 1236 in the control group. Participants in the WeChat group had higher overall satisfaction scores than those in the control group (mean 8.48, SD 1.12 vs mean 6.66, SD 1.80, P<.001). The difference between the two groups was significant for primary surgery based on subgroup stratification. To control confounding factors and explore the effects of WeChat participation as a mediating variable between perioperative patient education and overall satisfaction, hierarchical regression was utilized. An interpatient interaction model was found in the community group chat, and it contributed to overall satisfaction. Patients in the group with more interpatient interactions were more likely to have better overall satisfaction. Conclusions The social media–promoted educational community using WeChat was effective among joint replacement patients. Provision of more perioperative education is associated with more active patient participation in the community and therefore more patient satisfaction in terms of the overall joint procedure. Community group chat could facilitate interactions among patients and contribute to overall satisfaction.

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The “Alt-Right,” a white nationalist online coalition, has collapsed amidst a revolution in digital governance termed the “regulatory turn.” Nevertheless, the regulatory turn remains incomplete because white nationalists utilize graphical user interface (GUI) design to subvert public stewardship. Why have some former Alt-Right platforms collapsed while others have grown despite increased scrutiny? The field’s account is currently limited to social media networks and rooted in positivist methods, lending a static conception of white nationalist networks that is slow to recognize cultural shifts. This paper fills the gap by comparatively critiquing the interfacing affordances of Telegram, an instant messaging app that functions as an "ideological safe harbor" for U.S. white nationalists with content aggregation, blogging, and activist use-cases. I apply interface critique to index how the manipulation of graphical user interfaces allows white nationalists to frame their browsing as a technology of mastery over and against the regulatory turn. I argue that Telegram networks coopt the enclave public, exploiting an ideology of decentralization to mystify the leverage held by white nationalist developers over their users. This occlusion redirects white masculine anxieties against publicity to justify an intensified racist fanaticism and the exportation of violence against racial, religious, and gendered outsiders. White interfacing frames GUI design as a capitalist technology that weaponizes the racist and sexist logic of the “average user” to secure the reproduction of reactionary platforms. This project furthers Internet research by developing a theory of the interface as an ideological mirror of production.

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Abstract Background Due to the increasingly ageing society and the shortage of nursing human resources in China, the imbalance between the home care needs of older patients and the inadequate supply of nursing services is increasing. Based on this medical situation, China is implementing internet-based home care (with the nurses who provide this care called online nurses or sharing nurses) based on the concept of the sharing economy, internet technology and knowledge from the home care experience in other countries. Internet-based home care follows an online application/offline service model. Patients place orders through an app, nurses grab orders instantly, and managers dispatch orders through a web platform based on various factors such as nurses’ qualifications, professionalism and distance from the patient. In this way, home care is provided for patients with limited mobility, such as older or disabled patients, patients in rehabilitation and terminal patients. Only by fully understanding the barriers to accessing internet-based home care can we provide quality nursing services to older patients and achieve the sustainable development of internet-based home care. Objective The goal of this study was to use qualitative methods to explore barriers to accessing internet-based home care for older patients. Methods Based on Levesque’s access to health care framework, semi-structured personal interviews were conducted with 19 older patients in a descriptive qualitative study using directed content analysis. Results We identified four barriers to accessing internet-based home care for older patients: barriers to perceiving, seeking, paying for, and engaging in internet-based home care. Specific barriers included traditional perceptions, barriers to internet use, high payment costs, uneven quality of services, and concerns about privacy and patient safety. Conclusions Internet-based home care brings new risks and challenges. In order to enable older patients to better enjoy it, it is necessary to strengthen publicity, optimize the network application process, improve the health insurance system, formulate unified nursing service standards, and address safety risks.

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Rare diseases are extremely severe, disabling pathologies. In total, 7% of the world’s population suffers from a rare disease. To publicize their plight, people suffering from such diseases and their families have turned to Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, among other social media platforms, as effective tools for sharing their problems, calling for greater investment in research and to cope with their day-to-day hardships. Symbols and representations defining rare diseases that have been established in the media and on social networking services have thus gained in prominence. This research asks what the emergence of the TikTok app, the second most downloaded in 2019 and the first in 2020, has meant for how these diseases are made visible. To answer this question, 2,750 TikTok posts with the 11 most popular hashtags related to rare diseases in six languages ​​were analyzed between 1 January 2019 and 30 September 2020. The findings confirm that, against this highly personalized backdrop, the widespread use of TikTok is changing an already consolidated discourse of protest and fostering the creation of new codes with unpredictable results for the recognition and support needed by this marginalized community. Resumen Las enfermedades raras son patologías muy severas y discapacitantes que afectan al 7% de la población mundial. Para intentar visibilizar y denunciar su situación, las personas que padecen estas enfermedades y sus familias hallaron en Facebook, Twitter y YouTube, entre otras redes sociales, un canal eficaz para compartir sus problemas, exigir una mayor inversión en investigación y poder conllevar sus dificultades diarias. Desde entonces, se han estimado como válidos elementos simbólicos y de representación que se han ido forjando en los medios y en las redes sociales. Esta investigación se pregunta qué supone la irrupción de la aplicación TikTok, la segunda más descargada en 2019 y primera de 2020, en el modo en que son visibilizadas estas enfermedades. Para responder a la cuestión se han analizado 2.750 publicaciones en TikTok procedentes de los 11 hashtags más populares sobre enfermedades raras en 6 idiomas, entre el 1 de enero de 2019 y el 30 de septiembre de 2020. Se evidencia que, bajo el telón de la escenografía personalista, el uso masivo de TikTok está cambiando un discurso reivindicativo ya consolidado y está invitando a la creación de nuevos códigos con resultados impredecibles para el conocimiento y necesidades que este grupo poblacional en riesgo de exclusión demanda.

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Currently, e-government is one of the important tools to improve the efficiency of state management and the quality of public services. E-government applications contribute to meeting the requirements of modern governance, such as publicity, transparency, accountability, timeliness of public administration and citizen participation. Therefore, e-government is being developed and applied by various countries in the world including Vietnam. Keywords: E-government, Digital Government, Open Government, Governance, State Governance. References: [1] ADB (2005), Governance: Sound Development Management Governance, tại https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/32027/govpolicy.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[2] Sabri Boubaker, Duc Khuong Nguyen (editors), Corporate Governance and Corporate Social Responsibility: Emerging Markets Focus, World Scientific Publishing Co Pte Ltd, 2014, tr. 377. Dẫn theo Nguyễn Văn Quân, Nguồn gốc và sự phát triển của quản trị tốt, trong cuốn “Quản trị tốt: Lý luận và thực tiễn”, Vũ Công Giao, Nguyễn Hoàng Anh, Đặng Minh Tuấn, Nguyễn Minh Tuấn (đồng chủ biên), NXB Chính trị Quốc gia, 2017.[3] Michiel Backus., “e-Governance and Developing Countries: Introduction and examples”, Research Report ; No. 3, April, 2001, Xem: https://bibalex.org/baifa/Attachment/Documents/119334.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[4] S. Bhatnagar, “e-government: from vision to implementation: a practical guide with case studies” New Delhi ; Thousand Oaks, Calif. : Sage Publications, 2004.[5] Vũ Công Giao, Nguyễn Hoàng Anh, Đặng Minh Tuấn, Nguyễn Minh Tuấn (đồng chủ biên) “Quản trị tốt: Lý luận và thực tiễn”, NXB Chính trị Quốc gia, 2017.[6] World Bank (2006), Making PRSP Inclusive, tại http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DISABILITY/Resources/280658-1172608138489/MakingPRSPInclusive.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[7] Global Agenda Council on the Future of Government - World Economic Forum (2011), The Future of Government Lessons Learned From Around The World, Xem: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/EU11/WEF_EU11_FutureofGovernment_Report.pdf –[8] Hanna, Nagy., Transforming Government and Building the Information Society: Challenges and Opportunities for the Developing World, Nagy Hanna & Peter T. Knight editors, Springer, NY, 2010.[9] Heeks, R., “iGovernment : Understanding e-Governance for Development”, Working Paper Series : Paper No. 11, Institute for Development Policy and Management, Xem: http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/NISPAcee/UNPAN015484.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[10] Richard Heeks, “Most e-Government-for-Development Projects Fail How Can Risks be Reduced, 2003, Xem: http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/cafrad/unpan011226.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[11] J. Guida, and M. Crow “e-government and e-governance”, in Unwin, T. (ed.), ICT4D: International and Communication Technology for Development, Cambridge University Press 2009. Xem: https://www.itu.int/ITU-D/cyb/app/docs/e-gov_for_dev_countries-report.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[12] Bob Jessop, The State Past, Present, Future, Polity, 2016, tr.166-169, tại http://www.ritsumei.ac.jp/acd/re/k- rsc/hss/book/pdf/vol07_08.pdf[13] S. Joseph. Jr. Nye and D. John (2000), Governance in a globalizing world, Brookings Institution Press.[14] Joseph Stiglitz, “Globalization And The Economic Role Of The State In The New Millennium”, Journal Of Industrial and Corporate Change, 2003.[15] Báo Lao động, Xây dựng chính phủ điện tử, rào cản nào?, xem: https://laodong.vn/thoi-su/xay-dung-chinh-phu-dien-tu-rao-can-nao-631923.ldo, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[16] Phạm Tiến Luật, Những thách thức trong xây dựng chính phủ điện tử ở Việt Nam, Tạp chí Quản lý nhà nước, số 264 (1/2018).[17] D. Nute, “Net eases Government Purchasing Process”, The American City & County Journal, 117 (1), 2002; K.A. O’Connell, “Computerizing Government: The Next Generation”, The American City & County Journal, 118 (8), 2003.[18] OECD (2004), Principles of Corporate Governance, tại: http://www.oecd.org/corporate/ca/corporategovernanceprinciples/31557724.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[19] United Nation (2002), World Public sector report Globalization and the State, tại: https://publicadministration.un.org/publications/content/PDFs/E-Library%20Archives/World%20Public%20Sector%20Report%20series/World%20Public%20Sector%20Report.2001.pdf , truy cập ngày 11/11/2018.[20] United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, What is Good Governance?, tại: https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/good-governance.pdf ., truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.[21] UNDP (1997), Governance & Sustainable Human Development. A UNDP Policy Document. New York United Nations Development Programme, 1997.[22] Jim Macnamara, The Quadrivium of Online Public Consultation: Policy, Culture, Resources, Technology, Dẫn theo Nguyễn Đức Lam, Quản trị tốt: những chuẩn mực chung, tài liệu đã dẫn. Vũ Công Giao, Nguyễn Hoàng Anh, Đặng Minh Tuấn, Nguyễn Minh Tuấn (đồng chủ biên) “Quản trị tốt: Lý luận và thực tiễn”, NXB Chính trị Quốc gia, 2017.[23] United Nations : Department of economic and Social Affairs, Division for Public Administration and Development Management, “The Global e-Government Survey 2008”, xem: https://publicadministration.un.org/egovkb/portals/egovkb/Documents/un/2008-Survey/unpan028607.pdf, truy cập ngày 18/12/2018.

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IntroductionWhen a baby girl born in Britain was endowed with the topical name ‘Hashtag’, a social media post decried the naming, and a media storm followed. Before she was even home from hospital, headlines were at the ready: “Did a mother really just name her child Hashtag?” (Nye) and “Baby Hashtag: has the search for original names gone too far?” (Barkham). Trollers were also poised to react, offering: “The first name is REALLY dumb. And you're even dumber,” prompting a rejection of the baby’s name as well as her ostensibly ill-equipped parents (Facebook). Dubbed a “Public Figure” on her Facebook page, Hashtag Jameson accrued a particularly premature type of celebrity, where, with a handful of baby selfies, she declared via Twitter, and only hours after birth, that she was “already trending”.In this article, I consider the relationship between the infant child and the visual-digital economies in which it – as in the Hashtag hoax, above – performs. The infant child is brought into view with the very first sentence that frames John Berger’s Ways of Seeing. “Seeing comes before words”, he writes. “The child looks and recognizes before it can speak” (1). Berger’s reference to the seeing child positions it as an active agent in cultures and practices of visuality, but also uses an idea of the child to position vision as the primary communicative means by which we “establish our place in the surrounding world” and in which we are enveloped “before” speech (7). Here, I explore the intensified relationship between the visual culture of infancy and the economised digital movement of vision that it produces in one highly specific image-genre: the baby selfie. In doing so I aim to characterise the depictive nature of this format in terms of how it compositionally documents – to further borrow the language of Berger, who was then discussing oil paintings – “a way of seeing the world, which was ultimately determined by new attitudes to property and exchange” (87).The new sociology of childhood has been concerned with the construction of the child figure as it has interfaced with new cultural and political realities since the early 1980s (Prout). These include “phenomena such as the flexibilization of production … expanding networks of knowledge … and shifts in labour market participation, work and the global economy” (Prout 5). I suggest here that the baby selfie can be seen as an unprecedented social marker of these transformations, signalling a heightened degree of priceless sentiment within which the child – as an animator of amateur affects, viral tendencies and algorithmic logics – is given to operate. I focus on the compositional propensities of the baby selfie in order to characterise how it visually construes a particular kind of self that is intrinsically entangled with the conception of the image as a form of capital exchange. That is, I suggest that in its intense and yet paradoxical self-performativity the baby selfie depicts a way of seeing that is predicated on, but also troubles, the conceit of a commodified social relation. What Does the Baby Selfie Say?“Should babies really be taking selfies?” yells a headline warning against the perceived dangers of youth digital cultures (Cox). The 2014 story references a phone app built by father Matthew Pegula that uses front-facing cameras to “unintentionally teac[h] your baby to take selfies of themselves” by generating “rattling sounds, pictures of cute animals, and more to get the baby’s attention.” The article explains that “[w]hen the baby reaches out to touch the screen, the camera snaps their selfie and saves it to the device”. While Pegula’s Baby Selfie App is available for purchase on Google Play’s app store for $1.09, a similar device named New Born Fame, featuring “Facebook and Twitter symbols that are activated when the youngster reaches for them” and inclusions such as “a pair of shoes with an internal pedometer that tracks kicks and posts the activity online, a squeezable GPS tracker and a ‘selfie-ball’ that photographs the baby and uploads the shot whenever the ball rotates” (Peppers), artistically interrogated this relatively new category of “insta-infa-fame”.In their article “What Does the Selfie Say?”, Theresa M. Senft and Nancy K. Baym argue that the selfie exists as the hallmark genre of a new kind of self-reflexive image-making, one that is formally characterised by the “self-generated” nature of the photographic portraiture it depicts, which is in turn conceived for its transmissibility, occurring “primarily via social media” (1589). Popularised in part by new technologies (the camera phone, the smart phone, and then the front-facing phone camera) and in part by new digital platforms (“Facebook, Instagram, SnapChat, Tumblr, WeChat, and Tinder”) (1589), Senft and Baym further explain that the selfie is simultaneously a photographic object which transmits human feeling, a practice of sending (as well as of depicting), and third, a monetized assemblage curated by nonhuman agents. It is this last factor which renders the objecthood of the selfie as it relates to the vernacular that it enacts as well as the practice of its making, political.Notions around the simultaneously constituting and yet virally distributed “self” of social media are not new. A now prominent literature around how the selfie graphically manifests and performs: intimate publics (Walsh and Baker), a normative or resistive image repertoire (Murray), and emotionalised, communicable affect (Bayer et al.), gives rise to a range of viewpoints that aim to characterise how the hyper self-reflexivity of the selfie depicts – visually as well as ontologically – the self as an agent of their own transmissibility (Holiday et al.). From these we understand that the selfie is distinct for its (i) self-representational image-format (it is an image made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identifiable for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition); ii) its methods of distribution (selfies are taken and distributed often instantaneously, and thereby are not only objects of, but active agents of, the reshaping of digitally communicative economies); iii) its idiomatic performance of a sociality and aesthetic of the amateur or vernacular (Abidin).The doubled glance both inwards and outwards that the selfie casts is further characterised for how it traces as well as points to a gestural self-awareness held within its compositional characteristics (Frosh). This moves us from a semiotic reading of the selfie to a reading of its “kineasthetic sociability” – that is, its embodied inception of new forms of autobiographical inscription which say “not only ‘see this, here, now,’ but also ‘see me showing you me’” (Frosh 1609-10). Here, the selfie is less a static object and more a gestural imprint of the communicative action in process: it is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of, among other things, the selfieness of the image)” (Frosh 1611). In this sense, its compositional logic offers a tracing of this very enactive, embodied tendency, which bears more than an indexical relationship to the field that it marks – it depicts itself as a constituting part of that field.While these characteristics are broadly accepted as being true of selfies, the “selfieness” of a baby selfie might be seen to offer a paradoxical reframing of these depictive qualities. That is, if a selfie is a self-depiction of a process of self-depiction, the baby selfie most usually performs this self-reflexivity with recourse to an external agent who is either present in the image frame or who is occluded from it but nonetheless implied by the very nature of the image (a parent or the image-facilitator, or indeed, a baby app). The baby selfie’s scene of self-depiction, then, might be thought of as a kind of self-depiction-by-proxy. At the same time, the baby selfie asks us to invest in the belief that the picture was knowingly self-taken, and in doing so, models a kind of aspirational autonomy for the child/baby figure who is depicted. In this sense, the baby selfie, by its very nature, disrupts the accepted distinguishing format of the selfie: that the picture is both self-depicting and is self-composed. Instead, the baby selfie can be seen to gesturally reincorporate into its visual scene the very question of this structural im/possibility.Depicting the Viral ChildThe figure of the child has been considered by a range of theorists as the organising principle of modernity. Philippe Aries’ foundational work has argued that the modern discovery of childhood is reflected in the rise of the nuclear family and consequential shifts from sociability to privacy. Viviana Zelizer similarly positions the emergence of the economically “useless” but sentimentally “priceless” child against comprehensive social and industrial transformations taking place across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that excluded the child as a labourer and instead situated it with the disciplinary regime of education. The hetero-normatively white child has since been shown to emblematise concepts of social futurity (Edelman) and myths of morality, humanity and the “ordering of time” (Pelligrini 98).Following Zelizer, the more recently ‘digitally’ visual cultures of childhood can be seen to spin the figure of the child around new socio-economic and discursive imperatives. Lisa Cartwright writes about photographs of waiting adoptee children, in which “children of poor countries become commodities and their images become advertisem*nts in a global market” (83). Deborah Lupton similarly considers the coding of infant bodies in popular media for their “represent[ation] as helpless, vulnerable, uncontrolled, dirty and leaky in opposition to the idealised adult body that is powerful, self-regulated, autonomous, clean, its bodily boundaries sealed from the outside world” (349). More recently, children have been considered for how they either accidentally or volitionally interact with mediated technologies (Nansen) as well as for how they are increasingly digitally surveilled as the objects of a necessary – and increasingly normalised – parental “culture of care” (Leaver 2). These studies make clear that while children are increasingly positioned as the ‘viral’ agents of new kinds of visual markets, they are also infantilised as victims in need of unprecedented cyber-protection.In 1994 Douglas Rushkoff coined the term “media virus” to account for the rapid and uncontrollable ways that popular media texts performed to either coerce or awaken viewing publics. While Rushkoff’s medium of reference was television, Henry Jenkins et al. later reframed virality to instead encompass ideas of user-led agency by linking it with a logic of “stickiness” – evoking what he termed a “peanut butter” analogy to describe the “spreadable” (3) movement of ideas in more recent social media practices. Indeed, Liam French finds a strong parallel between the “phenomenal rise in user generated content” and the turn towards newer visual cultures within social media practices more broadly, noting that it is “ordinary people” (French’s term) who actively generate the very forms of visual cultural production that become key to communicatory circulation. The selfie, in this regard, becomes both a format and an icon of the new ways of seeing brought into perspective by social media practices.Given the political, social and industrial ecologies that constitute such image cultures, it is only recently that the “viral” child, as the next delineation of the sentimentally “priceless” child, has arrived into view. Here, the baby Hashtag hoax can be seen to critically narrate a specific cultural moment: one that is concerned with stabilising the figure of the child even as it constitutes the ground through which that figure also becomes undone. I refer to the way that Hashtag, as a figural baby, presents a tautological identity, where the digital grammar of # names the mechanism by which she would also search for herself. If Hashtag is emblematic of the algorithmic and affective assemblage of contemporary image-cultures of childhood – whose image-work shapes the new temporal dimensions of our watching and viewing practices – she also illustrates how the child has been become not only an object, but a medium of the economic logics of communicative capitalism. That is, the image-work of the baby selfie can be seen to point to the very question of autonomous agency that frames the figure of the child and in doing so, provides a disruptive counterpoint to the “peanut butter” logic of spreadable visual cultures of so-called “ordinary people” more broadly.It is this light that I ask (drawing on Senft and Baym): what does the baby selfie say about how we understand or construe the figure of the child? More specifically, I ask (via Berger) what culture of vision is brought into view by the rise of such visual cultures of the viral child? The “Gestural Gaze” of Digital Infant Agency Ellentv.com recently advertised a call for viewers to send in their favourite baby selfies: “If you've got a baby and a camera, it's time to take some selfies! Take a photo of you and your baby making the same face, and send it to us!” The legal disclaimer accompanying the callout additionally advised that “[b]y submitting Materials, … you … do not violate the right of privacy or publicity of, or constitute a defamation against, any person or entity; that the Materials will not infringe upon or violate the copyright or common law rights or any other rights of any person or entity” (Ellentv.com). From the outset, there appears within baby selfie culture a curious calibration of the agency of the child, who is at once a selfie-self-taker but who is also excluded from a legal right to privacy that concerns “any person or entity”. In this respect we might further ask – following Jacqueline Bhabha’s question “what sort of human is a child?” (1526) – what sort of human is a viral child, and how does the baby selfie depict this paradoxical configuration of infantile agency?While the formality of the baby selfie still demonstrates a range of configurations which often incorporate the figure of a parent and hence contradict the discreet self-composing parameters of the selfie, here I focus in closing on one specific baby selfie that I suggest is emblematic of an increasing prevalence of apparently “true” baby selfies which operate on a range of image-sharing platforms and meme sites. These baby selfies are distinguished by seeming to be (i) an image that is made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identified for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition; ii) an image that is construed for methods of often instantaneous distribution; iii) an image that puts forward an idiomatic performance of an amateur vernacular – or what Abidin has called “calibrated amateurism”.One compilation, “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See”, foregrounds the autonomy of the figure of the viral child as depicted by baby selfie culture, explaining that “These babies might be small, but they can do a lot more than just laugh, crawl, and play. It turns out they can also work their way around a camera and snap some amazing selfies. Talk about impressive!” (Campbell). While all the images in the selection depict the embodied gestural sociality of the selfie that Frosh characterises – that which is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of … the selfieness of the image)” (1611) – one in particular is arresting for its striking interpellation of the “innocent” figure of the child with what I will extend via Frosh to call the inherent mediality of her gestural gaze. In this iconic baby selfie, the gestural gaze is witnessed in the way that the baby’s outstretched hand seems to be extending towards us, the viewer, but is rather (we think we know) extended towards the phone camera, in order to better see herself.The infant in the image is coded female, wearing a pink bonnet, dummy clip and dummy. The dummy is centred defiantly in the baby’s mouth and doubly defiantly in the centre of the image frame as an infantile ‘technology’ that seems to undercut the technology of the phone camera apparatus. The dummy imbues the image with an iconic sense of the baby’s innate “baby-ness” which seems to directly contradict the strength of her gaze, which also appears, in following the outwards arc of her selfie-taking arm, to reach beyond the image frame and address her viewer directly. It seems to say – to paraphrase Frosh – see me here, now, showing you me. The ambivalent origins of the image are also key to how it is read and distributed here. The image in question can be found on the media site Woman’s World, which offers an untraceable credit to Instagram for its original source. The image has also, since, spread itself, appearing across a range of other multilingual sites and feeds, depicting the child at the centre of its frame as somewhat entangled in a further labour of self-duplication. The baby selfie in circulation says not only “‘see this, here, now,’” and “‘see me showing you me’,” but ‘see all of this here, and again, here and again, here.’John Berger writes of two related image genres that connect histories of vernacular depiction to histories of the evolution of the publicity image as a medium and sign of capital exchange. Writing on oil painting, he notes how the materiality of the medium signified the “thingness” of its depiction: “if you buy a painting you also buy a look of the thing that it represents” (83). He finds, therein, an “analogy between possessing and a way of seeing which is incorporated in oil painting” (83) and which, as he later explains, becomes tied to “the tangibility, the texture, the lustre, the solidity of what it depicts” (88). The textural qualities of oil painting, which for Berger construe the “real” as that which can be materially conveyed or indexed as commodity, might be compared to the gestural residue that is contained within the selfie. While oil painting construed the materiality of things – and hence, the commodifiable nature of any particular relation – the selfie might be seen to depict the self in the process of its own self-labour: the material gesture of taking the image necessitates that the self becomes an agent who then becomes the immaterial self of transmission. The selfie is in this way a depiction of the self in a form of capital relation to itself.While the selfie – as a digital composition – is not materially “real” in the same way that oil painting is, the indexical nature of the arm that reaches out beyond the image frame to point to the inherent transmissibility – and hence capital value – of the image, might be. While the baby selfie imitates these capacities, I suggest here that it also traces a compositional logic that further complicates that which Frosh charts. This is because in the very moment that the spectator of the image is confronted with the baby selfie’s call to “see me showing you me” (1609-10), the spectator is also confronted with the figure of the infant as an autonomous agent capable of their own image-constitution. In essence, the baby selfie posits a question around the baby’s innate ability to knowingly generate its image-frame, even as that very image-frame is what casts the infant into the spreadable contexts within which it will then operate – or, indeed, become ‘knowable’.In its heightened self-referentiality but tenuously depicted sense of rhetorical agency, the baby selfie then faces us with what we think we know, or do not know, about the figure of the child. This central ambivalence inherent to the compositional makeup of the baby selfie in this way both depicts and disrupts the economics of circulation that are intrinsic to selfies more broadly, pointing to a decomposing of the parameters by which a selfie is interpreted and understood. Further, it enables us to question relationships between ways of seeing and ways of being – how does the baby selfie envision the figure of the chid? What sort of human does it become? While there are valid discussions to be had around the absence of “direct self-representational agency” (Leaver) and moral rights or wrongs of the parental management of children’s image-work in online spaces, the baby selfie also opens up questions around how we understand the very contours of infantile agency, how we perceive rhetorical knowingness, and what we mean to mean by the relentless circulation of this imagery of the viral child. Indeed, as Wendy S. Hesford writes, it can be helpful to shift an understanding of agency from being an “individual enterprise” to being understood as that which is “enabled and constrained by cultural discourses and material forces” that compel it into material circulation (156).Here, I am not aiming to foreclose debates about the role of infants (or children more broadly) living with and in digital cultures. Neither do I aim to cast judgement upon on those image practices which enfold child subjects within them. I rather aim to circumvent those important debates to find – following Berger – a trace of how the image cultures that co-constitute digital infancies operate to formulate as well as depict a new field of vision that is predicated upon a seemingly impossible but nonetheless compelling logic of the contradictory impulses of the viral child. That is, it challenges us to think more carefully about what we think we know about children as well as about how we come to know them.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “#familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–15.Aries, Philippe. Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life. Trans. Robert Baldick. New York: Vintage, 1962.Barkham, Patrick. “Baby Hashtag: Has the Search for Original Names Gone Too Far?” The Guardian 29 Nov. 2012 <https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/shortcuts/2012/nov/28/baby-hashtag-silliest-name-ever>.Bayer, Joseph B., et al. “Sharing the Small Moments: Ephemeral Social Interaction on Snapchat.” Information, Communication & Society 19.7 (2016): 956–977.Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Bhabha, Jacqueline. “The Child: What Sort of Human?” PMLA 121.5 (2006): 1526–1535.Cartwright, Lisa. “Photographs of Waiting Children: The Transnational Adoption Market.” Social Text 74 21.1 (2003): 83–109.Campbell, Nakeisha. “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See.” Woman’s World, 22 June 2016. <http://www.womansworld.com/posts/funny-baby-selfies-106002/photos/cute-baby-selfie-4-167875>.Cox, Lauren. “‘Baby Selfie’ Phone App – Should Babies Really Be Taking Selfies?” Hollywoodlife.com, 28 Feb. 2014. <http://hollywoodlife.com/2014/02/28/baby-selfie-smartphone-app-babies-take-selfies/>.Dean, Jodi. Blog Theory: Feedback and Capture in the Circuits of Drive. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2010.Edelman, Lee. No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive. Durham: Duke UP, 2004.Ellentv.com. “Baby Selfies.” <http://www.ellentv.com/photos/baby-selfies/>.French, Liam. “Researching Social Media and Visual Culture.” Social Media in Social Research: Blogs on Blurring the Boundaries. Ed. Kandy Woodfield. London: Sage, 2014. Frosh, Paul. “The Gestural Image: The Selfie, Photography Theory, and Kinesthetic Sociability.” International Journal of Communication 9 (2015): 1607–1628.Hesford, Wendy S. Spectacular Rhetorics: Human Rights Visions, Recognitions, Feminisms. Durham: Duke UP, 2011.Holiday, Steven, et al. “The Selfie Study: Archetypes and Motivations in Modern Self-Photography.” Visual Communication Quarterly 23.3 (2016): 175–187Jenkins, Henry, et al. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked World. New York: NYUP, 2013.Lever, Tama. “Intimate Surveillance: Normalizing Parental Monitoring and Mediation of Infants Online.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–10.Lupton, Deborah. “Precious, Pure, Uncivilised, Vulnerable: Infant Embodiment in Australian Popular Media.” Children & Society 28.5 (2014): 341–351.Murray, Derek Conrad. “Notes to Self: The Visual Culture of Selfies in the Age of Social Media.” Consumption Markets & Culture 18.6 (2015): 490–516Nansen, Bjorn. “Accidental, Assisted, Automated: An Emerging Repertoire of Infant Mobile Media Techniques.” M/C Journal 18.5 (2015). <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/1026>.Nye, James. “Did a Mother Really Just Name Her Child Hashtag?” Daily Mail Australia, 28 Nov. 2012. <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2239599/Did-mother-really-just-child-Hashtag-Photo-baby-Twitter-inspired-sweeps-Internet.html>.Pelligrini, Ann. “What Do Children Learn at School?” Social Text 97 26.4 (2008): 97–105.Peppers, Margot. “Social Media for BABIES? The Dangling Mobile That Lets Newborns Post Selfies and Videos Online from the Crib.” Daily Mail Australia, 25 Oct. 2014. <http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-2806761/Social-media-BABIES-dangling-mobile-lets-newborns-post-selfies-videos-online-crib.html>.Prout, Alan. “Taking a Step Away from Modernity: Reconsidering the New Sociology of Childhood.” Global Studies of Childhood 1.1 (2011): 4–14.Rushkoff, Douglas. Media Virus! New York: Ballantine Books, 1996.Senft, Theresa M., and Nancy K. Baym. “What Does the Selfie Say? Investigating a Global Phenomenon.” International Journal of Communication 9 (2015): 1588–1606.Walsh, Michael James, and Stephanie Alice Baker. ‘The Selfie and the Transformation of the Public–Private Distinction.” Information, Communication & Society 20.8 (2017): 1185–1203.Zelizer, Viviana. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1994.

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Introduction Where children’s television once ruled supreme as a vehicle for sales of kids’ brands, the marketing of children’s toys now often hinges on having the right social media influencer, many of them children themselves (Verdon). As Forbes reported in 2021, the pandemic saw an increase in children spending more time online, many following their favourite influencers on YouTube, TikTok, and Instagram. The importance of tapping into partnering with the right influencer grew, as did sales in toys for children isolated at home. We detail, through a case study approach and visual narrative analysis of two Australian influencer siblings’ Instagram accounts, the nature of toy marketing to children in 2023. Findings point to the continued gendered nature of toys and the concurrent promotion of aspirational adult ‘toys’ (for example, cars, high-end cosmetics) and leisure pursuits that blur the line between what we considered to be children’s playthings and adult objects of desire. To Market, to Market Toys are a huge business worldwide. In 2021, the global toys market was projected to grow from $141.08 billion to $230.64 billion by 2028. During COVID-19, toy sales increased (Fortune Business Insights). The rise of the Internet alongside media and digital technologies has given toy marketers new opportunities to reach children directly, as well as producing new forms of digitally enabled play, with marketers potentially having access to children 24/7, way beyond the previous limits of children’s programming on television (Hains and Jennings). Children’s digital content has also extended to digital games alongside digital devices and Internet-connected toys. Children’s personal tablet ownership rose from less than 1 per cent in 2011 to 42 per cent in 2017 (Rideout), and continues to grow. Children’s value for brands and marketers has increased over time (Cunningham). The nexus between physical toys and the entertainment industry has grown stronger, first with the Disney company and then with the stand-out success of the Star Wars franchise (now owned by Disney) from the late 1970s (Hains and Jennings). The concept of transmedia storytelling and selling, with toys as the vehicle for children to play out the stories they saw on television, in comics, books, movies, and online, proved to be a lucrative one for the entertainment company franchises and the toy manufacturers (Bainbridge). All major toy brands now recognise the power of linking toy brands and entertaining transmedia children’s texts, including online content, with Disney, LEGO and Barbie being obvious examples. Gender and Toys: Boys and Girls Come Out to Play Alongside the growth of the children’s market, the gendering of children’s toys has also continued and increased, with concerns that traditional gender roles are still strongly promoted via children’s toys (Fine and Rush). Research shows that girls’ toys are socialising them for caring roles, shopping, and concern with beauty, while toys aimed at boys (including transportation and construction toys, action figures, and weapons) may promote physicality, aggression, construction, and action (Fine and Rush). As Blakemore and Center (632) suggested, then, if children learn from toy-play “by playing with strongly stereotyped toys, girls can be expected to learn that appearance and attractiveness are central to their worth, and that nurturance and domestic skills are important to be developed. Boys can be expected to learn that aggression, violence, and competition are fun, and that their toys are exciting and risky”. Recently there has been some pushback by consumers, and some toy brands have responded, with LEGO committing to less gendered toy marketing (Russell). YouTube: The World’s Most Popular Babysitter? One business executive has described YouTube as the most popular babysitter in the world (Capitalism.com). The use of children as influencers on YouTube to market toys through toy review videos is now a common practice (Feller and Burroughs; De Veirman et al.). These ‘reviews’ are not critical in the traditional sense of reviews in an institutional or legacy media context. Instead, the genre is a mash-up, which blurs the lines between three major genres: review, branded content, and entertainment (Jaakkola). Concerns have been raised about advertising disguised as entertainment for children, and calls have been made for nuanced regulatory approaches (Craig and Cunningham). The most popular toy review channels have millions of subscribers, and their hosts constitute some of YouTube’s top earners (Hunting). Toy review videos have become an important force in children’s media – in terms of economics, culture, and for brands (Hunting). Concurrently, surprise toys have risen as a popular type of toy, thanks in part to the popularity of the unboxing toy review genre (Nicoll and Nansen). Ryan’s World is probably the best-known in this genre, with conservative estimates putting 10-year-old Ryan Kanji’s family earnings at $25 million annually (Kang). Ryan’s World, formerly Ryan’s Toy Review, now has 10 YouTube channels and the star has his own show on Nic Junior as well as across other media, including books and video games (Capitalism.com). Marsh, through her case study of one child, showed the way children interact with online content, including unboxing videos, as ‘cyberflaneurs’. YouTube is the medium of choice for most children (now more so than television; Auxier et al.). However, Instagram is also a site where a significant number of children and teens spend time. Australian data from the e-Safety Commission in 2018 showed that while YouTube was the most popular platform, with 80 per cent of children 8-12 and 86 per cent of teens using the site, 24 per cent of children used Instagram, and 70 per cent of teens 13-17 (e-Safety Commissioner). Given the rise in social media, phone, and tablet use in the last five years, including among younger children, these statistics are now likely to be higher. A report from US-based Business Insider in 2021 stated that 40 per cent of children under 13 already use Instagram (Canales). This is despite the platform ostensibly only being for people aged 13 and over. Ofcom (the UK’s regulator for communications services) has discussed the rise of ‘Tik-Tots’ – young children defying age restrictions to be on social media – and the increase of young people consuming rather than sharing on social media (Ofcom). Insta-Kidfluencers on the Rise Marketers are now tapping into the selling power of children as social media influencers (or kidfluencers) to promote children’s toys, and in some cases, parents are happy to act as their children’s agents and managers for these pint-size prosumers. Abidin ("Micromicrocelebrity") was the first to discuss what she termed ‘micro-microcelebrities’, children of social media influencers (usually mothers) who have become, through their parents’ mediation, paid social media influencers themselves, often through Instagram. As Abidin noted: “their digital presence is deliberately commercial, framed and staged by Influencer mothers in order to maximize their advertorial potential, and are often postured to market even non-baby/parenting products such as fast food and vehicles”. Since that time, and with children now a growing audience on Instagram, some micro-microcelebrities have begun to promote toys alongside other brands which appeal to both children and adults. While initially these human ‘brand extensions’ of their mothers (Archer) appealed to adults, their sponsored content has evolved as they have aged, and their audience has grown and broadened to include children. Given the rise of Instagram as a site for the marketing of toys to children, through children themselves as social media influencers, and the lack of academic research on this phenomenon, our research looks at a case study of prominent child social media influencers on Instagram in Australia, who are managed by their mother, and who regularly promote toys. Within the case study, visual narrative analysis is used, to analyse the Instagram accounts of two high-profile child social media influencers, eleven-year-old Australian Pixie Curtis and her eight-year-old brother, Hunter Curtis, both of whom are managed by their entrepreneur and ‘PR queen’ mother, Roxy Jacenko. We analysed the posts from each child from March to July 2022 inclusive. Posts were recorded in a spreadsheet, with the content described, hashtags or handles recorded, and any brand or toy mentions noted. We used related media reports to supplement the analysis. We have considered ethical implications of our research and have made the decision to identify both children, as their accounts are public, with large follower numbers, promote commercial interests, and have the blue Instagram ‘tick’ that identifies their accounts as verified and ‘celebrity’ or brand accounts, and the children are regularly featured in mainstream media. The children’s mother, Jacenko, often discusses the children on television and has discussed using Pixie’s parties as events to gain publicity for the toy business. We have followed the lead of Abidin and Leaver, considered experts in the field, who have identified children and families in ethnographic research when the children or families have large numbers of followers (see Abidin, "#Familygoals"; Leaver and Abidin). We do acknowledge that other researchers have chosen not to identify influencer children (e.g., Ågren) with smaller numbers of followers. The research questions are as follows: RQ1: What are the toys featured on the two social media influencer children’s sites? RQ2: Are the toys traditionally gendered and if so, what are the main gender-based toys? RQ3: Do the children promote products that are traditionally aimed at adults? If so, how are these ‘toys’ presented, and what are they? Analysis The two child influencers and toy promoters, sister and brother Pixie (11) and Hunter (8) Curtis, are the children of celebrity, entrepreneur and public relations ‘maven’, Roxy Jacenko. Jacenko’s first business was a public relations firm, Sweaty Betty, one she ran successfully but has recently closed to focus on her influencer talent agency business, the Ministry of Talent, and the two businesses related to her children, Pixie’s Pix (an online toy store named after her daughter) and Pixie’s Bows, a line of fashion bows aimed at girls (Madigan). Pixie Curtis grew up with her own Instagram account, with her first Instagram post on 18 June 2013, before turning two, and featuring a promotion of an online subscription service for toys, with the hashtag #babblebox. At time of writing, Pixie has 120,000 Instagram followers; her ‘bio’ describes her account as ‘shopping and retail’ and as managed by Jacenko. Pixie is also described as the ‘founder of Pixie’s Pix Toy Store’. Her brother Hunter’s account began on 6 May 2015, with the first post to celebrate his first birthday. Hunter’s page has 20,000 followers with his profile stating that it is managed by his mother and her talent and influencer agency. RQ1: What are the toys featured on the two children’s Instagram sites? The two children feature toy promotions regularly, mostly from Pixie’s online toy shop, with the site tagged @pixiespixonline. These toys are often demonstrated by Pixie and Hunter in short video format, following the now-established genre of the toy unboxing or toy review. Toys that are shown on Pixie’s site (tagged to her toy store) include air-clay (clay designed to be used to create clay sculptures); a Scruff-a-Luv soft toy that mimics a rescue pet that needs to be bathed in water, dried, and groomed to become a ‘lovable’ soft toy pet; toy slime; kinetic sand; Hatchimals (flying fairy/pixie dolls that come out of plastic eggs); LOL OMG dolls and Mermaze (both with accentuated female/made up features). LOL OMG (short for Outrageous Millennial Girls) are described as “fierce, fashionable, fabulous” and their name taps into common language used to communicate while texting. Mermaze are also fashion and hair styling dolls, with a mermaid’s tail that changes colour in water. While predominantly promoting toys on Pixie’s Pix, Pixie posts promotions of other items on her Website aimed at children. This includes practical items such as lunch boxes, but also beauty products including a skin care headband and scented body scrubs. Toys shown on Hunter’s Instagram site are often promotions of his sister’s toy store offerings, but generally fall into the traditional ‘boys’ toys’ categories. The posts that tag the Pixie’s Pix store feature photos or video demonstrations by Hunter of toys, including trucks, slime, ‘Splat balls’ (squish balls), Pokémon cards, Zuru toys’ ‘Smashers’ (dinosaur eggs that are smashed to reveal a dinosaur toy), a Bubblegum simulator for Roblox (a social media platform and game), Needoh Sticku*ms, water bombs, and Hot Wheels. RQ2: Are the toys traditionally gendered and if so, what are the main gender-based toys? Although both children promote gender-neutral sensory toys such as slime and splat balls, they do promote strongly gendered toys from Pixie’s Pix. Hunter also promotes gendered toys that are not tagged to Pixie’s Pix, including Jurassic World dinosaur toys (tying into the film release). One post by Hunter features a (paid) cross-promotion of PlayStation 5 themed Donut King donuts (with a competition to win a PlayStation 5 by buying the donuts). In contrast, Pixie posts a paid promotion of a high-tea event to promote My Little Ponies. Hunter’s posts of toys and leisure items that do not tag Pixie’s toyshop include him on a go-kart, buying rugby gear, and with an ‘airtasker’ (paid assistant) helping him sort his Nerf gun collection. There are posts of both children playing and doing ‘regular’ children’s activities, including sport (Pixie plays netball, Hunter rugby), with their dog, ice-skating, and swimming (albeit often at expensive resorts), while Hunter and Pixie both wear, unbox, and tag some high-end children’s clothes brands such as Balmain and promote department store Myer. RQ3: Do the children promote products that are traditionally aimed at adults? If so, how are these ‘toys’ presented, and what are they? The Cambridge dictionary provides the following two definitions of toys, with one showing that ‘toys’ may also be considered as objects of pleasure for adults. A toy is “an object for children to play with” while it can also be “an object that is used by an adult for pleasure rather than for serious use”. The very meaning of the word toys shows the crossover between the adult and children’s world. The more ‘adult’ products promoted by Pixie are highly gendered, with expensive bags, clothes, make-up, and skin care regularly featured on her account. These are arguably toys but also teen or adult objects of aspiration, with Pixie’s collection of handbags featured and the brand tagged. The bag collection includes brightly coloured bags by Australian designer Poppy Lissiman. Other female-focussed brands include a hairdryer brand, with photos and videos posted of Pixie ‘playing’ at dressing up and ‘getting ready’, using skincare, make-up, and hair products. These toys cater to age demographics older than Pixie. Hunter is pictured in posts on a jet-ski, and in others with a mobile and tablet, or washing a Tesla car and with a helicopter. The gendered tropes of girls being concerned with their appearance, and boys interested in vehicles, action, and competitive (video) games appear to be borne out in the posts from the two children. Discussion and Conclusion As an entrepreneur, Jacenko has capitalised on her daughter’s and son’s personal brands that she has co-created by launching and promoting a toyshop named after her daughter, following the success of her children’s promotion of toys for other companies and Pixie’s successful hairbow line. The toy shop arose out of Pixie promoting sales of fidget spinners during the pandemic lockdowns where toy sales rose sharply across the world. The children are also now on TikTok, and while they have a toy review channel on YouTube it has not been posted on for three years. Therefore, it is safe to assume that Instagram is one of the main channels for the children to promote the toyshop. In an online newspaper article describing the success of Pixie’s toyshop and the purchase of an expensive Mercedes car, Jacenko said that the children work hard, and the car was their “reward” (Scanlan). “The help both her brother and her [Pixie] give me on the buying (every night we work on new style selections and argue over it), the packing, the restocking, goes well beyond their years”, Jacenko is quoted as saying. “We’ve made a pact, we must keep going, work harder. Next, it’s a Rolls Royce.” Analysis of the children’s Instagram pages shows highly gendered promotion of toys. The children also promote a variety of high-end, aspirational tween, teen, and adult ‘toys’, including clothes, make-up, and skincare (Pixie) and expensive cars (Hunter and Pixie). Gender stereotyping has been found in adult influencer content (see, for example, Jorge et al.) and researchers have also pointed to sexualisation of young girl influencers on Instagram (Llovet et al.). Our research potentially echoes these findings. Posts from the children regularly include aspirational commodities that blur the lines between adult and child items of desire. Concerns have been raised in other academic articles (and in government reports) regarding the possible exploitation of children’s labour by parents and marketers to promote brands, including toys, on social media (see, for example, Ågren; De Veirman et al.; House of Commons; Masterson). The French government is believed to be the only government to have moved to regulate regarding the labour of children as social media influencers, and the same government at time of writing was debating laws to enshrine children’s right to privacy on social media, to stop the practice of ‘sharenting’ or parents sharing their children’s images and other content on social media without their children’s consent (Rieffel). Mainstream media including Teen Vogue (Fortesa), and some influencers themselves, have also started to raise issues relevant to ‘kidfluencers’. In the state of Utah, USA, the government has introduced laws to stop children under 18 having access to social media without parents’ consent, although some view this as potentially having some negative impacts (Singer). The ethics and impact of toy advertorials on children by social media influencers, with little or no disclosure of the posts being advertisem*nts, have also been discussed elsewhere (see, for example, House of Commons; Jaakkola), with Rahali and Livingstone offering suggestions aimed key stakeholders. It has been found that beyond the marketing of toys and adult ‘luxuries’ to kids, other products that potentially harm children (for example, junk food and e-cigarettes) are also commonly seen in sponsored content on Instagram and YouTube aimed at children (Fleming‐Milici, Phaneuf, and Harris; Smith et al.). Indeed, it could be argued that e-cigarettes have been positioned as playthings and are appealing to children. While we may bemoan the loss of innocence of children, with the children in this analysis posed by their entrepreneurial mother as purveyors of material goods including toys, it is useful to remember that perhaps it has always been a conundrum, given the purpose of toy marketing is to make commercial sales. Children’s toys have always reflected and shaped society’s culture, often with surprisingly sinister and adult overtones, including the origins of Barbie as a male ‘sex’ toy (Bainbridge) and the blatant promotion of guns and other weapons to boys (for example the famous Mattel ‘burp’ gun of the 50s and 60s), through advertising and sponsorship of television (Hains and Jennings). Recently, fashion house Balenciaga promoted its range of adult bags using children as models via Instagram – the bags are teddy bears dressed in bondage outfits and the marketing stunt caused considerable backlash, with the sexually dressed bears and use of children raising outrage (Deguara). Were these teddy bags framed as children’s toys for adults or adult toys for children? The line was blurred. This research has limitations as it is focussed on a case study in one country (but with global reach through Instagram). However, the current analysis is believed to be one of the first to focus on children’s promotion of toys through Instagram, by two children’s influencers, a relatively new marketing approach aimed at children. As the article was being finalised, the children’s mother announced that as Pixie was transitioning into high school and wanted to focus on her studies rather than running a business, the toy business would conclude but Pixie’s Bows would continue (Madigan). In the UK, recent research by Livingstone et al. for the Digital Futures Commission potentially offers a way forward related to this phenomenon, when viewed alongside the analysis of our case study. Their final report (following research with children) suggests a Playful by Design Tool that would be useful for designers and brands, but also children, parents, regulators, and other stakeholders. Principles such as adopting ethical commercial models, being age-appropriate and ensuring safety, make sense when applied to kidfluencers and those that stand to benefit from their playbour. It appears that governments, society, some academics, and the media are starting to question the current generally unrestricted frameworks related to social media in general (see, for example, the ACCC’s ongoing enquiry) and toy and other marketing by kids to kids on social media specifically (House of Commons). We argue that more frameworks, and potentially laws, are required in this mostly unregulated space. Through our case study we have highlighted key areas of concern on one of the world’s most popular platforms for children and teens, including privacy issues, commodification, and gendered and ‘stealth’ marketing of toys through ‘advertorials’. We also acknowledge that children do gain playful and social benefits and entertainment from seeing influencers online. Given that it has been shown that gendered marketing of toys (and increased focus on appearance for girls through Instagram) could be potentially harmful to children’s self-esteem, and with related concerns on the continued commodification of childhood, further research is also needed to discover the responses and views of children to these advertorials masquerading as cute content. References Abidin, Crystal. "Micromicrocelebrity: Branding Babies on the Internet." M/C Journal 18.5 (2015). <https://doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1022>. ———. "#Familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor." 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